B.C.90.-A.D. 1294.

LITTLE is known of the early history of Sholapur. Though no early reference to it has been traced its great and widespread holiness among middle and lower class Deccan Hindus seems to show that Pandharpur is an ancient place of pilgrimage. The statue of Vithoba Dr. Bhagvanlal believes to belong to about the fifth century after Christ, but the only known inscriptions in the temple are of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Like the rest of the Deccan, in the early centaries of the Christian era (B.C. 90-A.D. 300?), Sholapur probably formed part of the territories of the Shatakarni or Andhrabhritya dynasty whose capital was Paithan on the Godavari on the Ahmadnagar-Nizam frontier about 150 miles north-west of Sholapur. Probably also, though this is not proved by local inscriptions, during the 900 years ending with the Musalman overthrow of the Devgiri Yadavs in the beginning of the fourteenth century, Sholapur, like the neighbouring districts of Bijapur Ahmadnagar and Poona, was held by the Early and Western Chalukyas from 550 to 760, by the Rashtrakutas to 973, by the revived or Western Chalukyas to 1184, and by the Devgiri Yadavs till the Musalman conquest of the Deccan about 1300. [Details of the Chalukya and Chalukya, Rashtrakuta, and Devgiri Yadav dynasties are given in Fleet's History of the Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency, pp. 17-78 and in Bhandarkar's Early Deccan History, pp. 36 - 69, 74 - 92. Compare Poona Statistical Account, p. 214 and Bijapur Statistical Account,pp.379-389.]

Of Devgiri Yadav rule traces remain in Sholapur in about ten Hemadpanti temples and a well and nine inscriptions, [The Hemadpanti remains are at Chapalgaon and Jehur in Akalkot, Bavi and Mohol in Madha, Malsiras, Natepute, and Velapur in Malsiras, Pandharpur and Pulunj in Pandharpur, and Kamlalgaon Kasegaon and Marde in Sholapur. The inscriptions are at Karabgaon in Akalkot, Mohol and Vapha in Madha, Velapur in Malsiras, and Pandharpur and Pulunj in Pandharpur. Dr. Burgess Lists of Antiquarian Remains, 70-72. See below Places.] four of which appear from their dates (1192, 1300, 1300, 1304) to belong to the third Devgiri Yadav king Bhillam (1188-1192) and the ninth king Ramchandra (1271-1308).

Musalmans, 1294-1720.

The first Musalman invasion of the Deccan took place m 1294, but the power of the Devgiri Yadavs was not crushed till 1318. [Briggs Ferishta; I. 304. In 1294 Ramdev the ruling king of Devgad was surprised in his capital by Ala-ud-din Khilji, the nephew of the Delhi emperor jalal-ud-din Khilji, and forced to pay tribute. In 1297, Ramdev gave shelter to Rai Karan the fugitive king of Gujarat, and neglected to pay tribute for three years (Ditto, I. 365). In 1306 Malik Kafur, Ala-ud-din's general, reduced the greater part of Maharashtra, distributed it among his officers, and confirmed Ramdev in his allegiance (Ditto, I. 369). In 1309 Malik Kafur, on his way to Telingan, was received with great hospitality at Devgad by Ramdev (Ditto, I. 371). In 1310, as Ramdev was succeeded by his son Shankardev who was ill-affected to the Musalmans, Malik Kafur, on his way to the Karnatak, left a force at the town of Paithan on the left bank of the Godavari to overawe the Yadavs. (Ditto, I. 373). In 1312 Malik Kafur marched a fourth time into the Deccan, seized and put Shankardev to death, wasted Maharashtra, and fixed his residence at Devgad (Ditto, I. 379), where he remained till Ala-ud-din in his last illness ordered him to Delhi. During Malik Kafur's absence at Delhi, Harpaldev the son-in-law of Ramdev stirred the Deccan to arms, drove out many Musalman garrisons, and, with the aid of the other Deccan chiefs, recovered Maharashtra. In 1318 Mubarik Khilji, Ala-ud-din's son and successor, marched to the Deccan to chastise Harpaldev who fled at the approach of the Musalmans, and was pursued, seized, and flayed alive. Mubarik appointed Malik Beg Laki, one of his father's slaves, to command in the Deccan, and returned to Delhi (Ditto, I. 383).] From 1318, Maharashtra began to be ruled by governors appointed from Delhi and stationed at Devgiri In 1338, Muhammad Tughlik the emperor of Delhi (1325-1351) made Devgiri his capital and changed its name to Daulatabad or the A bode of Wealth. In 1341 Musalman exactions caused a general revolt in the Deccan, which, according to Ferishta, was so successful that in 1344 Muhammad had no part of his Deccan territories left him except Daulatabad. [Briggs' Ferishta, I. 426-427.] This statement seems exaggerated as in 1346 Musalmans were governing at Kulbarga, Raichur, Bijapur, Bedar, Ganjauti, Raibag, Gilhari, Hukeri, and Berar. In the same year there was widespread disorder and the Delhi officers plundered and wasted the country. [Briggs' Ferishta, I. 432 - 433.]

Bahmanis 1347-1489.

These cruelties led to the revolt of the Deccan nobles under the able leadership of an Afghan soldier named Hasan Gangu. The nobles were successful, and freed the Deccan from dependence on Northern India. Hasan [Hasan was an Afghan of the lowest rank and a native of Delhi, He farmed a small plot of land belonging to a Brahman astrologer named Gangu who was in Muhammad Tughlik's favour. Having accidentally found a treasure in his field Hasan gave it to his landlord Gangu, who was so struck with his honesty that he used his influence to advance Hasan's fortunes. Hasan rose to a great station in the Deccan, took the name of Gangu out of respect and gratitude to his patron, and for the same reason added the title of Bahmani to his name when he became the founder of a dynasty. Briggs' Ferishta, II. 284-285; Elphinstone's History of India, 666. The Bahmani kings were:

Bahmani Kings. 1347-1526

continued..

] founded a dynasty, which, in honour of his patron a Brahman, he called Bahmani, and which held command of the Deccan for nearly 150 years. The Bahmani capital was at Kulbarga about sixty miles east of Sholapur, till, in 1426, it was moved to Bedar or Ahmadabad-Bedar about 100 miles further east. By 1351 Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Bahmani, by treating the local authorities in a liberal and friendly spirit, had brought under his power every part of the Deccan which had before been subject to the throne of Delhi. [Briggs' Ferishta, II.291-292;Grant Duff's Marathas,26.] In 1357 Ala-ud-din divided his kingdom into four provinces or tarafs over each of which he set a provincial governor or tarafdar. Sholapur formed part of the province of Kulbarga, which, besides Sholapur, included Kulbarga, Bijapur, Raichur, Mudgal, Sagar, and Naldurg. Daring the latter part of the fourteenth century, under the excellent rule of Muhammad Shah Bahmani (1358-1375), the banditti which for ages had harassed the trade of the Deccan were broken and scattered and the people enjoyed good government. [Briggs' Ferishta,II.325-6.]

Durga Devi Famine, 1396-1407.

This period of prosperity, when probably Sholapur and several other forts to the east were built, was followed by the awful calamity of the Durga Devi famine, when twelve rainless years (1396 -1407) are said to have turned the land to a desert. In the first years of the famine Mahmud Shah Bahmani (1378-1397) is said to have kept ten thousand bullocks to bring grain from Gujarat to the Deccan, and to have founded an orphan school in each of the seven leading towns of his dominions. [Briggs' Ferishta II. 349-50. These seven towns were Kulbarga, Bedar, Kandhar, Daulatabad, Elichpur, Cheul, and Dabhol.] No efforts of any rulers could preserve order or life through so long a series of fatal years. Whole districts were; left without people and the strong places fell from the Musalmans into the hands of the local chiefs. [Ditto Grant Duff's Marathas, 26.] Before the country could recover, it was again wasted by two rainless years in 1421 and 1422. Multitudes of cattle died, and the people broke into revolt. [Briggs' Ferishta, II. 405-406.] In 1429, the leading Bahmani noble, whose title was Malik-ul-Tujar or Chief of the Merchants, went through the Deccan restoring order. So entirely had the country fallen waste that the old villages had disappeared and fresh ones had to be formed generally including the lands of two or three of the old villages. Land was given to all who would till it free of rent for the first year and for a horse bag of grain for the second year. This settlement was entrusted to Dadu Narsu Kale an experienced Brahman and to a Turkish eunuch of the court. [Grant Duff's Marathas, 26.] In 1436, in the reign of Ala-ud-din Shah Bahmani II. (1435-1457), the king's brother Prince Muhammad, in the hope of making himself independent, with the aid of the Vijaynagar king to whom he was sent to demand tribute, took Sholapur and other neighbouring places. He was soon defeated and forced to accept Raichur as an equivalent for the territory he had usurped. [Briggs' Ferishta, II 502.]

Damajipant's Famine, 1460.

In 1460, a famine known as Damajipant's famine again wasted the Deccan. According to the local story a Brahman named Damajipant was employed at Mangalvedha, about twelve miles south of Pandharpur, as a revenue officer under the Bedar government. He had charge of a large store of government corn at Mangalvedha. Hundreds of Brahmans and others flocked to Mangalvedha and were fed by Damajipant out of the government stores. Hearing of his breach of trust the Bedar king issued orders that Damaji should be seized and brought before him. While Damaji was on his way to Bedar, the god Vithoba, whom Damaji worshipped, took pity on his servant and appearing as a village Mhar at Bedar paid the price of the grain distributed by Damaji. [Colonel Etheridge's Famine Report (1868), 99-100. The village priests at Mangalvedha point out the site of Damaji's house and of the corn cellars. Ditto.] In 1472 and 1473 another failure of rain so wasted the country that in 1474 when rain fell scarcely any one was left to till the land. [Briggs' Ferishta, II 483, 493, 494.]

The power and turbulence of the provincial governors was a source of weakness and danger to Bahmani rule. To remove this evil, Mahmud Gawan, the learned and able minister of Muhammad Shah Bahmani It. (1463-1482), framed a scheme under which the territories were divided into eight instead of into four provinces. The province of Kulbarga was divided into Bijapur and Ahasnabad, and Ahasnabad, of which Sholapur formed a part, was entrusted to Dastur Dinar an Abyssinian eunuch, [Grant Duffs Marathas, 48; Briggs' Ferishta, II. 501.] and under him Sholapur and Paranda, with the eleven surrounding districts, were entrusted to two brothers Zain Khan and Khwaja Jahan. In each province only one fort was left in the governor's hands; all others were entrusted to captains and garrisons appointed and paid from headquarters. The pay of the captains was greatly raised and they were forced to keep their garrisons at full strength. This scheme brought on Mahmud Gawan the hatred of the leading nobles, who in 1481, by false charges of treason, succeeded in procuring his death. Bahmani power never recovered the loss of Mahmud Gawan. In 1485, Bid and other districts near Daulatabad were added to the estates of the Bahmani minister Nizam-ul-Mulk the successor of Mahmud Gawan, who appointed Khwaja Jahan governor of Paranda and the eleven surrounding districts. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 191.]

End of Bahmani Overrule, 1489.

The end of Bahmani overrule was at hand. In 1489 Yusuf Adil Shall the governor of Bijapur assumed independence and overran all the country north of Bijapur as far as the Bhima, including the present Sholapur sub-divisions of Malsiras, Sangola, and part of Pandharpur. [Briggs' Ferishta, III.9.] Under the partition treaty of 1497, between Malik Ahmad the Nizam Shahi king of Ahmadnagar, Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur, and Imad-ul-Mulk of Berar, the whole province of Daulatabad, which must have included Paranda and its eleven districts, became part of Malik Ahmad's dominions. [Briggs'Feriahta,III.19.] Khwaja Jahan of Paranda and his brother Zain Khan, though excluded from this partition treaty, [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 20.] continued to hold Paranda and the eleven surrounding districts in subjection to Ahmadnagar. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 214 and footnote.] Zain Khan, the younger brother, who was governor of Sholapur laid claim to half of the eleven districts and endeavoured to obtain a grant from Bedar to that effect. But Khwaja Jahan, supported by Malik Ahmad of Ahmadnagar, succeeded in keeping the whole and opposing the claims of Zain Khan at the court of Bedar.

Sholapur divided between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, 1508.

In 1508, on the death of Malik Ahmad of Ahmadnagar (1490-1508), Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur marched against Khwaja Jahan, and compelled him to cede five and a half of the eleven districts round Sholapur to his brother Zain Khan. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 36.] On the death of Yusuf Adil Shah (1510), the Bijapur regent Kamal Khan, imprisoned the young king Ismael Adil Shah and his mother Bubuji Khanam, and marched with a force to Sholapur which he besieged for three months. As no aid came from Ahmadnagar, Zain Khan, on receiving security for the safety of his family and wealth delivered (1511) Sholapur into Kamal Khan's hands together with the five and a half districts of which he had charge. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 36.] Paranda and its five and a half districts, including perhaps Karmala Madha and Barsi the three northern sub-divisions of the present district of Sholapur, remained for many years under Khwaja Jahan who seems to have been a half independent vassal of the king of Ahmadnagar. In 1523, after one of their numerous wars, through the intervention of Shah Tahir Junaidi, Ismael of Bijapur and Burhan of Ahmadnagar met in the fort of Sholapur and agreed to peace. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 51-52,216.] On this occasion Burhan Nizam Shah asked the hand of Mariam the sister of Ismael Adil Shah, and the marriage was held with great state. The kings interchanged valuable presents including elephants and horses, and the rejoicings lasted a whole month (Rajab H. 930). When the festivities were over the kings took leave of each other and returned to their capitals.

Sholapur promised to Ahmadnagar, 1523.

It is asserted that in the treaty of alliance Asad Khan of Belgaum promised, on the part of his master Ismael Adil Shah, to give the fort of Sholapur, with its five and a half districts, as a dowry with the Bijapur princess. But as Ismael Adil Shah afterwards denied that he had authorized this concession, Burhan Nizam Shah, under the advice of Shah Tahir, was induced to drop the demand and return to Ahmadnagar. During the next forty years the Nizam Shahi king's claim to Sholapur was the cause of constant wars. In 1524 the Bijapur princess quarrelled with her husband Burhan Nizam Shah because he treated a dancing girl called Amina as his chief wife. This quarrel led to war between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur. Burhan Nizam Shah secured the aid of Imad Shah king of Berar and of Amir Berid regent of Bedar, and the confederates marched with forty thousand men to besiege Sholapur and to occupy the ceded districts. Ismael Adil Shah, with 10,000 foreign cavalry, advanced to meet the allies, and for forty days the armies continued encamped between the forts of Sholapur and Naldurg four miles from each other without coming to action. During this time of inaction 3000 mounted foreign Bijapur bowmen were most successful in hovering round the allies camp and cutting off their supplies. Khwaja Jahan Dakhani, governor of Paranda, vexed with the inactivity of Burhan Nizam Shah, quitted the camp, attended by four thousand Dakhani cavalry, intending to surprise the Bijapur bowmen. Next evening the foreigners, as usual, took post for the night on the banks of a rivulet, and having picketed their horses were disarming and waiting for supper. As night set in, Khwaja Jahan Dakhani, with a reconnoitering party, came upon them, but was discovered at a short distance from the outposts by a sentry who gave the alarm. The bowmen instantly took to their horses, but before all were mounted Khwaja Jahan fell on them and killed about three hundred. Khwaja Jahans Dakhanis, after returning from the pursuit, came to the spot on which the archers had been encamped, and dismounting, plundered and ate the archers' victuals. The Bijapur bowmen, seeing by their own experience how easily an army may be surprised, resolved to attack the camp of Burhan Nizam Shah. They accordingly moved direct to his lines, and the sentinels, taking them for Khwaja Jahan's detachment returning to camp, allowed them to pass. When in the midst of the camp, the Bijapur bowmen discharged their arrows and made great have and pursued their route direct to the tents of Burhan Nizam Shah. Confusion was general. Friends could not be known from foes, and the bowmen, when sated with slaughter and plunder retired with little loss. Next morning, while the Ahmadnagar troops were still suffering from the terror caused by the night attack, Ismael Adil Shah advanced to give battle. Burhan Nizam Shah and Imad Shah drew up their line, but in so great disorder and with such haste, that they were unable to withstand the Bijapur onset Imad Shah, being charged by Asad Khan the Bijapur champion, fled almost without a blow and did not halt till he reached his fort of Gaval in Berar. Burhan Nizam Shah was also on the point of giving way but being timely reinforced by Amir Berid with 6000 fresh horse, continued to resist. At last Khush-Geldi Agha and Ismad Agha, Turki officers in the Bijapur service, gained the enemy's rear with two thousand horse, while Asad Khan attacked the right wing.

Burhan Nizam fails in his attempt on Sholapur, 1524.

These assaults threw the Ahmadnagar troops into utter confusion, and Burhan Nizam Shah, overcome by the weight of his armour, Was nearly falling from his horse through faintness. At this stage of the action some Turki slaves, seeing the state of the Ahmadnagar king, led his horse off the field and his army was instantly routed. About 3000 Ahmadnagar troops were slain in the pursuit, and the royal Nizam Shahi standard fell into the hands of Asad Khan, besides forty elephants, many cannon, and the whole tents and baggage. After this victory Ismael Adil Shah returned in triumph to Bijapur, where he held rejoicings for a month and conferred rewards and honours on the officers who had most distinguished themselves. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 52-54.]

In 1528 Burhan Nizam Shah accompanied by Amir Berid, again invaded Bijapur. Asad Khan a second time completely defeated the allies within forty miles of Bijapur. Khwaja Jahan of Paranda and several officers of distinction were taken prisoners; the fugitives were pursued as far as Paranda; and much baggage and twenty elephants among them the elephant which carried Burhan's canopied seat or ambari were taken. In 1531, Ismael Adil Shall wrote to Burhan Nizam Shah that, as the cool season had begun, he proposed to make a tour of his dominions and intended to visit Sholapur and Naldurg; he hoped that Burhan Nizam Shah would warn the officers of his frontier not to be alarmed or misconceive the object of his march. Burhan Nizam Shah in reply told Ismael Adil Shah that it would be more for his interest if he staid at home. Ismael Adil Shah, who had started from Bijapur, received this message at Bahmanhalli while at evening prayer. He was so enraged that he started with only 400 horse and forty foot and reached the river at Naldurg, a distance of about sixty miles, before evening prayer on the next day. He dismissed Burhan's ambassadors telling them he had done all he was bound to do to avoid war, that he would now wait for his royal brother to come, as he had repeatedly come before, and amuse himself with the sight of the stormy ocean of war. On the return of his ambassadors, Burhan Nizam Shah, attended by Amir Berid, marched with 25,000 horse and a considerable train of artillery to the Bijapur frontier. Ismael left the arrangement of the troops to Asad Khan. All the young men, sons of foreigners and Rajputs were formed into one body, composing a light division under Sanjar Khan the son of Mirza Jahangir Kami, while their fathers, who were mostly old, remained in the line, agreeing that this was a day for the young soldiers to show their courage. Asad Khan assumed command of the right wing, leaving the left to Mustapha Agha, Shikandar Agha, and Kush Geldi Agha, all Turki leaders of note. The centre was commanded by Ismael who joined as soon as the line was formed. On seeing that the colour of the canopy, the royal standard, and the enemy's flags were green instead of white, Ismael asked the cause of the change, and was told that they were the signs of rule conferred on Burhan Nizam Shah by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. While he was speaking, the light division became engaged and Ismael Adil Shah instantly advanced with his whole line. The action became general and was so well maintained on both sides that victory was long doubtful. At length Khurshid Khan the commander of the Nizam Shahi army was killed and his troops fled in disorder. Shortly after Burhan Nizam Shah was surrounded by the Bijapur horse, and was in danger of being taken prisoner, when his body-guard by a desperate effort freed their sovereign, and, they escorting him from the field, he fled to Ahmadnagar without waiting to gather his scattered army. Much plunder fell into the victors' hands and Ismael Adil Shah's superiority was established throughout the Deccan.

Victory of the Foreign Boys, 1531.

The battle was called the Victory of the Foreign Boys as the brunt of the fighting had fallen on them. The corps rose in the king's esteem and many of the youths were ennobled though their fathers were alive. This was the last contest between Ismael Adil Shah and Burhan Nizam Shah. They met on the frontier and made peace. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 68 -70.]

Sholapur taken by Burhan Nizam, 1542.

In 1540, when the breach between Ismael's son Ibrahim Adil Shah and his minister Asad Khan became known, Burhan Nizam Shah and Amir Berid circulated reports, that, whenever they would come, Asad Khan had promised to deliver them Belgaum. Accordingly in 1542 they invaded Ibrahim's territories, and wresting the five and a half Sholapur districts from his officers, gave them to the servants of Khwaja Jahan Dakhani and marched to Belgaum. The reconciliation between Ibrahim and Asad Khan changed the state of affairs. Ibrahim Adil Shah and Imad Shah marched against Burhan and Amir Berid, who retreated with haste towards Daulatabad, hotly pursued by the Bijapur and Berar troops who took ample revenge for the depredations committed in Bijapur. Soon after this Amir Berid suddenly died, and Burhan Nizam Shah was reduced to sue for terms, sending the venerable Shah Tahir to make overtures.

Sholapur Restored to Bijapur, 1543.

In the treaty which followed Burhan agreed to restore the five and a half districts to Ibrahim and promised never again to lay claim to them. When the treaty was signed and exchanged each of the sovereigns returned to his capital. In 1543 Ibrahim, with great pomp, married Rabia Sultana daughter of Ala-ud-din Imad Shah of Berar. Burhan Nizam Shah, vexed at the issue of the late war, in spite of his promise, declared he could never rest till he had won back the five and a half Sholapur districts. Shortly after, availing himself of some agreement between Ibrahim and Imad Shah, Burhan Nizam formed secret alliances with Ram Raja of Vijaynagar and Jamshid Kutb Shah of Golkonda to wage war against Bijapur on the south and east, while, with his own army and the troops of Ali Berid and Khwaja Jahan, he invaded them from the north. With this force he laid waste many districts, and on several occasions defeated the Bijapur troops, and the kingdom of Bijapur, attacked at once by three powerful armies in separate quarters, seemed on the brink of destruction. Ibrahim Adil Shah, at a loss how to act and without confidence in his counsellors, sent for Asad Khan from Belgaum and asked his advice. Asad Khan observed that Burhan had urged the rest to fight; if he could be removed it would be easy to manage the others. He advised that for the sake of peace the five and a half Sholapur districts should be given up. Ibrahim acted according to this advice and peace was concluded. Still Sholapur was not given to Ahmadnagar. [ Briggs' Ferishta, III. 89-93.]

In 1549, to save his own territories from being wasted by the Ahmadnagar king, Ibrahim invaded Ahmadnagar. He came suddenly before Paranda, and, finding the gates open, rushed with a body of troops into the fortress which submitted and was given in charge to one of his Dakhani officers. From Paranda Ibrahim laid waste the country round, levied contributions, and retreated on hearing of Burhan's approach. Before Burhan Nizam Shah arrived within many miles of Paranda, the governor, who mistook a gnat near his ear for Burhan's distant war trumpets, fled by night without telling his followers. Next morning the garrison followed their chief's example, and on the third day Burhan quietly entered the empty fortress. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 104.]

Sholapur taken Burhan Shah and by strengthened, 1551.

In 1551 Burhan Nizam Shah, with the help of the Vijaynagar king Ram Raja, took Sholapur and strengthened it. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 104-105.] Some time after, although peace was concluded between Husain Nizam Shah Burhan's son and successor and Ibrahim Adil Shah, Khwaja Jahan, the hereditary chief of Paranda, who had fled to avoid the resentment of his sovereign, came to Bijapur and inspired Ibrahim with hopes of retaking Sholapur. For this purpose Ibrahim concluded a treaty with Ram Raja and invited into his service Saif Ain-ul-Mulk commander-in-chief of the army of the late Burhan Nizam Shah, who had taken refuge in Berar from Husain's oppression. Saif Ain-ul-Mulk accepted Ibrahim's proposals, and Ibrahim conferred on him high titles with considerable estates and presents of money. By his advice Ibrahim soon after espoused the cause of prince Ali the son of Burhan Nizam Shah, who had taken refuge at his court. It was agreed that if Ali Nizam Shah gained the Ahmadnagar throne, the forts of Kalliani and Sholapur should be surrendered to Bijapur. To effect these objects, prince Ali, accompanied by the 2000 horse which had come with him from Ahmadnagar, marched to the frontier to draw the nobles of that kingdom to his cause. This attempt met with little success. Husain Nizam Shah put his army in motion, and Ibrahim, after distributing large sums among his troops, marched from Bijapur to support prince Ali. The armies met on the plains of Sholapur and drew up to engage. Ibrahim gave the command of his right wing to Saif Ain-ul-Mulk Gilani and Ankush Khan and the command of the left to Nur Khan and Imad-ul-Mulk, and himself took post with the household troops in the centre. The advanced guard was commanded by Saif Ain-ul-Mulk who pushed on from the line and began the action with great dash. Ibrahim Adil Shah, disapproving of his separation from the main body, ordered the advanced guard to keep closer to the line. Saif Ain-ul-Mulk answered that his Majesty was right, but that, as he had advanced so far, to return would only inspirit the enemy. Saving sent this message Saif went on, seized and spiked the enemy's guns, and drove their picquets back on their main body. Here he was resolutely opposed by Husain' Nizam Shah who commanded in, person, still the Nizam Shahi army began to give way and must have been defeated had Saif Ain-ul-Mulk been supported. Several Nizam Shahi chiefs who had been engaged on the left came to the aid of their sovereign and almost surrounded Saif Ain-ul-Mulk whose division was thrown into confusion. Seeing the standards of Ibrahim Adil Shah, though at a distance, as was his custom on desperate occasions, Ain-ul-Mulk dismounted, resolved to conquer or die. Some of the troops seeing him dismount, told Ibrahim that Saif Ain-ul-Mulk had gone over to the enemy and had alighted to pay his respects to Husain Nizam Shah. Ibrahim's suspicions of treachery were confirmed, and he fled from the field and did not draw rein till he reached Bijapur. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 105 -107.]

In 1557, Ali Adil Shah, the successor of Ibrahim Adil Shah anxious to recover the forts of Kalliani and Sholapur, without waiting for the customary compliment of receiving ambassadors from the surrounding powers, despatched Kishwar Khan and Shah Aba Tarab Shirazi to negotiate a treaty of alliance with Ram Baja at Vijaynagar. At the same time he sent Muhammad Husain Sadikki for the same purpose to Ahmadnagar. Ram Raja received the ambassadors with great honour and sent back one of his confidential officers with Kishwar Khan to congratulate the king on his accession. Husain Nizam Shah, jealous of Ali Adil Shan's designs against Sholapur, did not show the usual respect to his embassy, nor send one in return, but gave strong proofs of enmity, Ali Adil Shah, intent on repairing the losses sustained by his father, entered into a close alliance with Ram Raja. As his enmity towards Husain Nizam Shah daily increased Ali Adil Shah sent him a message through Shah Husain Anju, that it was clear that the forts of Kalliani and Sholapur belonged to his family by ancient right, though owing to his father's misfortunes they had passed into the hands of the Nizam Shahi kings, that now he hoped they both or at all events Kalliani would be restored. As Shah Husain Anju's arguments failed to induce Husain Nizam Shah to give up either place, Ali Adil Shah sent another ambassador to Ahmadnagar, representing that passion and obstinacy in the discussion of political questions did not become great kings, and that to prevent ill consequences he trusted Husain Nizam Shah would see the justice of giving up the forts when the friendship between their states would increase. If not he might look for an army which would waste his dominions without mercy. Husain Nizam Shah answered this message by an indecent jibe, which so enraged Ali Adil Shah that by way of defiance, according to the Deccan custom, he changed his canopy and standard from yellow to green Husain Nizam Shah's colour. In the war that followed the Ahmadnagar king was forqed to leave his capital which was besieged by the Bijapur and Golkonda kings and by Ram Raja of Vijaynagar. At last, scandalized by the behaviour of Ram Raja, the Golkonda king persuaded Ali Adil Shah to raise the siege and march against Sholapur. When within some miles of Sholapur Kishwar Khan the Bijapur minister, seeing the dangerous power and ambition of the Hindu king, represented to Ali Adil Shah that, if the fort of Sholapur fell, Ram Raja would probably keep it and the country round it for himself. It seemed advisable to reduce the fort of Naldurg and to leave Sholapur to a more convenient time. Ali Adil Shah approved of this advice and persuaded Ram Raja to change his plans and move to Naldurg where the allies took leave of each other and returned to their dominions. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 121,122.] Some time after, Ali Adil Shah thought of forming a league between the three Musalman kings of Bijapur Ahmadnagar and Golkonda against the Hindu king Ram Raja of Vijaynagar, and the Golkonda king promised Ali Adil Shah to obtain for him the fort of Sholapur which had been the original cause of the disagreement between the Ahmadnagar and Bijapur kings, [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 123-124.]

Sholapur given to Bijapur as Chand Bibi's Dowry, 1562.

It was agreed that Husain Nizam Shah should give his daughter Chand Bibi in marriage to Ali Adil Shah with the fortress of Sholapur as her dowry; that he should receive Haddia  Sultana, Ali Adil Shah's sister, as a consort for his eldest son Murtaza; that a treaty of eternal friendship should be passed between the two states; and that they should unite to reduce the power of Ram Raja. In 1565 Ram Raja was slain in the battle of Talikoti and his army scattered, Vijaynagar was taken and sacked, and the power of the great Hindu kingdom was at an end. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 125.]

For some years there was peace. In 1590, Dilawar Khan, the Bijapur regent attempted to raise himself to supreme power, and was driven from the country. He fled to Ahmadnagar and was favourably received by Burhan Nizam Shah II. (1590-1594), enrolled among his nobles, and appointed to reduce the forts of Sholapur and Shahadurg. Ibrahim Adil Shah sent ambassadors to request that Dilawar Khan might be sent to him. Burhan Nizam Shah instead of granting this demand prepared for war. In 1592 on Dilawar Khan's advice he marched towards Bijapur, and passing the frontier laid the country waste. On reaching Mangalvedha about twelve miles south of Pandharpur as no army was sent to meet him, Burhan suspected some device to draw him into the heart of the Bijapur kingdom, and retreated. At the Bhima Dilawar Khan persuaded him to halt near a ruined fortress which he ordered to be repaired. Ibrahim Adil Shah, who had neither given orders to assemble his nobles nor taken measures to defend his country, on hearing of the fort said that Burhan would shortly act like the child who builds walls of clay and then destroys them with his own hands. Ibrahim continued to act as if no enemy was in his country; and, contenting himself with despatching a few horse to watch Burhan Nizam's motions, appeared to give himself to amusement. Burhan Nizam consulted his officers. Some said Ibrahim was sunk in pleasure and neglected his kingdom, others believed that he suspected his officers and was afraid of calling them together. Ibrahim, who was well informed of what was passing, sent a message to Dilawar Khan pardoning him for his past offences and asking him to return and take charge of his affairs. Dilawar Khan suspecting no treachery, with Burhan Nizam Shah's permission, went back to his master, and was blinded and imprisoned until his death. When he was rid of Dilawar Khan, Ibrahim sent his Bargi [Bargi, according to Shakespeare's Hindustani dictionary, is the Hindustani farm of the Marathi vargya apparently meaning either of one class from varg a class as opposed to the mixed regiments of foreign cavalry, or troops of irregular horse. The word Bargi is distinct from Bargir, properly Bagi, also used of Maratha troopers. The Bargirs had horses supplied by a chief or by the state in distinction to the Shiledars or self-horsed cavalry soldiers. This bagi seems to mean a rider from bag a rein. Colonel F. Wise.] or Maratha chiefs with 6000 horse to cut off all supplies from Burhan's camp and sent 100,000 horse under Rumi Khan Dakhani and 3000 more of the household troops under Elias Khan against Burhan. The Bargi cavalry greatly distressed the enemy, defeating several detachments till Burhan Nizam advanced in person to attack them. Unable to oppose regular troops the Bargis recrossed the Bhima which was then fordable, and a flood immediately after swelling the river prevented their being pursued, and Burhan Nizam returned to his lines. After this Burhan Buffered so severely from famine and pestilence that he was forced to retire several marches. When he had received supplies and the pest had somewhat abated Burhan Nizam moved again intending to lay siege to Sholapur. He was met on his march by Rumi Khan and Elias Khan who defeated a large part of his army under Nur Khan Amir-ul-Omra of Berar and took a hundred elephants and 400 horses. After this loss the affairs of Burhan Nizam Shah declined daily, and numbers of his troops, tired of a long and fatiguing campaign, deserted his camp and conspired against his life. On discovering the plot, Burhan, full of suspicion, began his retreat towards Ahmadnagar. His first march was so harassed that he thought it imprudent to attempt moving further till he could make peace with Ibrahim Adil Shan to whom he sent ambassadors. For nearly a month Ibrahim refused to listen to any accommodation till Burhan Nizam Shah destroyed the fort he had built within Bijapur territory on the bank of the Bhima. To this Burhan reluctantly agreed. He threw down the first stone with his own hands, and his troops demolished the whole fabric which had cost much trouble and expense. Then disheartened he marched quickly back to Ahmadnagar [Briggs' Ferishta, III 170 - 175.]

Burhan fails in an attempt on Sholapur, 1594.

In 1594 Burhan Nizam Shah entered into a treaty with Venkatadri of Penkonda and resolved again to invade Ibrahim's territories. accordingly despatched Murtaza Khan Anju at the head of 10,000 horse with orders to reduce Shahadurg and Sholapur. Murtaza Khan Anju advanced as far as Paranda, and, halting there, sent detachments to lay waste and plunder the country round. These troops suffered a severe check, their commander Uzbek Khan was killed, and his force defeated under the walls of Sholapur. [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 186, 286.]

Fall of Ahmadnagar, 1599.

In 1599, the city of Ahmadnagar was taken by the Moghals. After this, partly from the disorders caused by the rebellion of Jahangir's son Khusru, which followed Jahangir's accession on the death of Akbar in 1605, Moghal power in the Deccan declined.

Malik Ambar,1605-1626.

Their generals in Ahmadnagar had also to deal with the Abyssinian Malik Ambar a man of the highest civil and military talent. Though the Moghals still held Ahmadnagar fort, in 1605 Malik Ambar raised Murtaza Nizam Shah II. to the throne, and succeeded in making Khadki near Elura, afterward called Aurangabad, the headquarters of a state which included the greater part of the former Ahmadnagar possessions. Malik Ambar's power remained unshaken till his death in 1626 when he was succeeded in the regency by his son Fatteh Khan. Great as was his success as a general, Malik Ambar is best known by his land revenue system. He stopped revenue-farming, and, under Musalman supervision, entrusted the collection of the revenues to Brahman agents. He renewed the broken village system, and, when several years of experiments had enabled him to ascertain the average yield of a field, took about two-fifths of the outturn in kind, and afterwards (1614) commuted the grain payment to a cash payment representing about one-third of the yield. Unlike Todar Mal, Akbar's famous minister by whom the lands of North India were settled, Malik Ambar did not make his settlement permanent, but allowed the demand to vary in accordance with the harvest. This system was so successful that, in spite of heavy war charges, his finances prospered and his territories which included the northern sub-divisions of Sholapur, throve and grew rich [Grant Duff's Marathas, 43. Malik Ambar held the country from the Kutb Shahi and Adil Shahi boundaries as far north as within two miles of Bid. Briggs' Ferishta, III. 315.]

Malik Ambar takes Sholapur.

In 1623 Malik Ambar collected an excellent army, and, bringing grain from Daulatabad, laid siege to Sholapur and took it by storm. [Ikbal Nama-i-Jahangiri in Elliot and Dowson, VI. 416.] In 1629 the rains failed and a second failure in 1630 caused grievous suffering. Thousands left the Deccan, numbers perished in their homes, and whole districts were emptied of their people. The famine was accompanied by an almost complete loss of cattle and was followed by a pestilence. [Elphinatone's History of India, 507; Badshah Kama in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 24-25.]

In 1635, the Moghal general Shaiste Khan marched towards the Bijapur borders, reduced Naldurg, and occupied the districts between Sholapur and Bedar. [Grant Duffs Marathas. 51.]

Sholapur passes to Bijapur 1636.

In 1636, under a treaty between the Bijapur king and the Moghals, the Nizam Shahi dynasty came to an end, and it was settled that the forts of Paranda and Sholapur with their dependent districts should be given to the Bijapur king Mahmud Adil Shah. [Grant Doff 's Marathas, 52.] For the next thirty years (1636-1665) no reference to Sholapur has been traced. In 1665, the Moghals entered into a treaty with Shivaji to undermine the power of Bijapur under which Shivaji, with 2000 horse and 8000 foot, co-operated with Jaysing the Moghal commander. Ali Adil Shah, the Bijapur king, endeavoured to prevent the invasion by promising to settle the Moghal demands. Jaysing the Moghal commander, continued his advance from Phaltan which he had reduced. He met with little opposition till, near Mangalvedha, the Bijapur horse appeared and acted against him with great vigour. Abdul Muhammad, the prime minister, was the commander of the Bijapur - forces. The chief officers were Abdul Karim Bahlole Khan, Khawas Khan, Sidi Aziz, and Venkaji Raja Bhonsla Shivaji's half-brother. The Maratha horse in the service of Bijapur fought with uncommon spirit, Venkaji Raja and Rattaji Mane Deshmukh of Mhasvad in Satara being most conspicuous. On the side of the Moghals Shivaji and Netaji Palkar distinguished themselves, particularly on one occasion when they had command of the rear guard. They were also detached against several places of strength which were reduced by Shivaji's infantry. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 94-95.]

Treaty at Agra Sholapur passes to the Moghals,1668.

About the middle of 1668, a treaty was concluded at Agra between Aurangzeb and Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur. The terms on the part of the Bijapur government were negotiated by Shah Abdul Husain Kaman, who, as the price of peace, gave up the fort of Sholapur and territory yielding £63,000 (180,000 pagodas) of yearly revenue. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 99.] In 1679, Bijapur was besieged by the Moghals, and Shivaji who was called to help the besieged, marched with a large body of cavalry to Bijapur. Finding he could not force the Moghals to raise the siege he made a show of attacking, and, advancing slowly until within twenty-four miles of the camp, turned to the north, rapidly crossed the Bhima, and attacked the Moghal possessions with fire and sword, leaving the inhabitants houseless and the villages in ashes, As the besiegers did not raise the siege of Bijapur, Shivaji continued his depredations from the Bhima to the Godavari. [ Grant Duff's Marathas, 128 -129.] In 1684 Aurangzeb issued orders to levy a tax of £1 6s. (Rs. 13) on every £200 (Rs. 2000) owned by all except Muhammadans. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 145] In 1686 when the final siege of Bijapur began Aurangzeb's camp was at first at Sholapur. Later on he moved to Bijapur to help in the siege. [Muntakhb-ul-lubab in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 322.]

Aurangzeb at Akluj, 1689.

After reducing Bijapur in October 1686 Aurangzeb marched to Golkonda which fell into his hands in September 1687. From Golkonda he returned to Bijapur where he remained till in 1689 he was driven north by a deadly plague. He halted at Akluj on the south bank of the Nira about eight miles north-east of Malsiras. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 158.] After his arrival at Akluj he was harassed by plundering parties of Marathas and detachments were sent to Sambhaji's territories. One of these under Mukarrab Khan was sent to Kolhapur. Mukarrab Khan succeeded in capturing Sambhaji and twenty-six others at Sangameshvar in Ratnagiri and marched with the prisoners to the Moghal camp. The news of Sambhaji's capture was received at Akluj with great rejoicing. During the four or five days when Mukarrab Khan was known to be approaching with the prisoners, all classes were so overjoyed that they could not sleep and went out four miles to meet the prisoners and give expression to their joy. In every town or village on or near the road, wherever the news reached, there was great delight; and wherever the prisoners passed the doors and roofs were full of men and women who looked on rejoicing.

Death, of Sambhaji.

It was proposed to spare Sambhaji's life but his insolence and foolhardiness towards Aurangzeb resulted in September 1689 in his execution at Tolapur in Poona. [Elliot and Dowson, VII. 340; Grant Duffs Marathas, 159-160.] Under Rajaram, Sambhaji's brother and successor, the Marathris began to plunder the Moghal dominions in the North Deccan and successfully resisted the Moghal detachments sent to oppose them. These raids greatly annoyed Aurangzeb, who, in 1694, in the hope of drawing the enemy southwards, moved from a place on the Bhima to Galgale in south-west Bijapur. This feint proved unsuccessful. The raids continued in the north and Ramchandrapant one of the Maratha leaders levied contributions as far east as Sholapur. Aurangzeb was forced to bring back his unwieldy army to Brahmapuri on the Bhima below Pandharpur, where he established his chief store and built a cantonment in which he held his court. From Brahmapuri the operations of his armies and the affairs of his empire were directed for several years. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 167.] In 1699, when Rajaram was on tour collecting chauth and sardeshmukhi, Zulfikar Khan, whose success in the Karnatak made him the only Moghal officer whom the Marathas dreaded, was ordered to repair to the cantonment at Brahmapuri.

Maratha Raids.

It was then determined to adopt a new plan of operations by which while one army attacked the Marathas in the field another was set apart for the reduction of their forts. The fort army Aurangzeb reserved for himself, and gave the command of the field army to prince A'zam's son Bedar Bakht with Zulfikar Khan as his lieutenant. Zulfikar Khan's first effort was to attack Rajaram when he was plundering Jalna in the Nizam's territories. The attack was so vigorous that Rajaram had to fly pursued by the Moghal army. Rajaram evaded pursuit; but the fatigue of the march brought on an illness which proved fatal (1700). While Zulfikar Khan was in pursuit of Rajaram the cantonment at Brahmapuri was abandoned much to the regret of idle Moghal officers many of whom had built excellent houses. A store was formed under the protection of the fort of Mashnur, about twenty-five miles south-west of Sholapur, which was within the line of the cantonment and a strong guard was left for its protection. The emperor marched to Satara which after some resistance surrendered in June 1700. [ Grant Duffs Marathas, 173-174.]

Release of Shahu.

On the death of Aurangzeb, on the 21st of February 1707, Sholapur probably passed to Kam Bakhsh, Aurangzeb's son who had been appointed governor of Bijapur and continued under him till in 1708 he was killed in an engagement with his brother Bahadur Shah (1707-1712). In the contest for the imperial throne among Aurangzeb's sons prince A'zam, on promise of steadfast allegiance, released Shahu, Sambhaji's son, who had been a prisoner in the Moghal camp since Sambhaji's execution. Shahu was also promised the tract conquered by Shivaji from Bijapur with additional territory between the Bhima and the Godavari. This tract included Sholapur; but A'zam's defeat and death at Agra by Bahadur Shah prevented Shahu, when master of Satara, from taking possession of the country promised by A'zam. Shahu's claims to the Maratha chiefship were resisted by Tara Bai the widow of Rajaram, on behalf of her son, and her cause had the sympathy of the common people. While Shahu was marching towards Satara from the banks of the Godavari, the people of a village fired on his troops. The village was immediately assaulted. During the attack, a woman carrying a boy in her arms rushed towards Shahu and threw the child before him calling out that she devoted him to the Raja's service. Shahu took charge of the boy, always treated him like a son, and in memory of his first success called him Fattehsing to which he added his own surname of Bhonsla.

Akalkot Family,1708.

This Fattehsing Bhonsla became the founder of the family of the Rajas of Akalkot now under Sholapur. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 185] In 1709 Daud Khan, the Moghal governor of the Deccan, settled with such Maratha chiefs as acknowledged Shahu's authority, to allow them one-fourth of the revenue of the six Deccan provinces, but reserved the right of collecting and paying it through his own agents. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 188.] This arrangement continued till 1713 when Daud Khan was removed to Gujarat, and Chin Kilich Khan, the future founder of the Haidarabad Nizam's family, was appointed in his place with the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk.

MARATHAS,1720-1818.

Nizam-ul-Mulk was partial to the Kolhapur branch of Shivaji's family and was hostile to Shahu. He set aside Daud Khan's settlement and took one Rambhaji Nimbalkar who had deserted Shahu into his service with the title of Rav Rambha. Rambhaji distinguished himself in the Moghal service, particularly in Poona, and was rewarded with an estate near Poona. [ Grant Duffs Marathas, 191.] In 1715 the Nizam received into his service another Maratha noble, the son of Haibatrav Nimbalkar and rewarded him with Barsi and other districts. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 200.] In 1716 Syed Husain Ali Khan was appointed Moghal Viceroy of the Deccan. In his scheme for the destruction of the Emperor Ferokshir (1712-1719) Syed Husain courted Shahu, who, as the price of his alliance, demanded among Shivaji's old possessions the tract of country east of Pandharpur. In 1719, in reward for the help given to Syed Husain Khan and his brother in deposing the Emperor Ferokshir, Shahu received, besides two grants for levying chauth or one-fourth and sardeshmukhi or ten per cent of the revenues of the six Deccan provinces, the country east of Pandharpur as part of his home rule or svaraj. The country watered by the Nira and the Man which includes east and part of south Sholapur, and which was noted for good horses, hardy soldiers, and some ancient and independent Maratha families was also placed under the authority of Shahu. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 195.]

The Nizam,1723.

In 1720 Nizam- ul-Mulk relieved the Emperor Muhammad Shah (1720-1748) from the tyranny of the Syeds, and in 1723 he threw off his allegiance to the emperor and became the master of the Moghal dominions south of the Narbada. The fort and town of Sholapur, Karmala, and other portions of north and west Sholapur, which did not form part of the Maratha home rule or svaraj, then passed to the Nizam. In 1727 Rambhaji Nimbalkar received Karmala in exchange for his estate in Poona. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 220.] The Nizam divided the revenue with Shahu in the parts of the Deccan and the Karnatak which were not either wholly ceded in jagir or included in the Maratha svaraj or home rule. This division of revenue caused frequent wars between the Nizam and the Marathas.

In 1749 Shahu died. As part of Balaji Peshwa's (1740-1761) scheme for usurping the sole authority Fattehsing Bhonsla, Shahu's adopted son, was confirmed in possession of his estate, in various minor claims or shares of revenue, and in the title of Raja of Akalkot, which, except the detached claims, his descendants still enjoy.

Rebellion at Sangola, 1750.

In 1750 Balaji's usurpation was resisted by one Yamaji Shivdev who threw himself into the fort of Sangola, about twenty miles south-west of Pandharpur, and raised the standard of rebellion Sadashiv Bhau, Balaji's cousin, marched to Sangola to put down the rebellion. Sadashiv was accompanied by Ram Raja the Satara chief so that Yamaji might have no excuse for resistance. Yamaji's rising was soon suppressed. During his stay at Sangola Ram Raja agreed to give up the entire power and to lend his sanction to what ever measures the Peshwa might pursue, provided a small tract round Satara was assigned for his own management. To these conditions Balaji agreed, but they were never carried out and Ram Raja was taken under a strong escort from Sangola to Satara. [Grant Duff's Marathas, 271.] In 1752, in the conflict for power between the great Nizam-ul-Mulk's sons Ghiyas-ud-din assisted by the Peshwa Balaji and Salabat Jang assisted by the French under M. Bussy, Karmala the residence of Janoji Nimbalkar was visited by Syed Lashkar Salabat Jang's minister, As part of their avowed scheme of enlisting the sympathy of the chiefs in favour of Salabat Jang, Syed Lashkar and Janoji Nimbalkar had an interview with Balaji, who, by the advice of Ghiyas-ud-din, detained both of them and took them to Ghiyas-ud-din's camp. They remained with. Ghiyas-ud-din until his death by poison soon afterwards. In 1756, in pursuance of the secret agreement between Balaji and the Haidarabad minister Shah Nawaz Khan of driving the French out of the Deccan, M. Bussy was dismissed from the Nizam's service immediately after the fall of Savanur in the siege of which he had been engaged with the Marathas. After his dismissal Bussy marched towards Haidarabad pursued by a detachment of the Nizam's army under Janoji Nimbalkar of Karmala. A detachment of 600 Arabs and Abyssinians enlisted at Surat was marching to Bussy's aid; but the party was intercepted by Janoji Nimbalkar who killed fifty of them and the rest surrendered. Soon after the Nizam was reconciled to Bussy who gained more power than ever at Haidarabad. [Grant Duffs Marathas, 293 - 294.]

Battle of Pandharpur 1774.

In 1774, owing to the murder of his nephew Narayanrav (1773), Peshwa Raghunathrav became the head of the Marathas. Raghunathrav's claims to the headship were opposed by the Poona ministers, one of whom Trimbakrav Mama, jealons of Raghunath's name as a soldier and ambitious of the honour of defeating him, marched south from Poona to stop Raghunathrav who was returning from the Karnatak. On the 4th of March 1774, Trimbakrav Mama crossed the Bhima at Pandharpur and prepared to attack Raghunathrav who was close at hand On a fine plain between Pandharpur and Kasegaon four miles south of Pandharpur Raghunathrav made a dashing charge on Trimbakrav, and, in less than twenty minutes, with a force considerably inferior to that of his opponent, gained a complete victory, mortally wounded Trimbakrav, and took him prisoner. Raghunathrav was one of the foremost in the charge supported only by his own division of about 10,000 horse. Gangadhar Rastia second-in-command of Trimbakrav's army was wounded but escaped. This victory gave momentary life to Raghunathrav's cause. He was enabled to raise large sums in Pandharpur partly by contributions and partly by pawning a portion of some prize jewels he had brought from North India. Raghunathrav's cause was ruined by the birth of a posthumous son to the murdered Peshwa Narayanrav. [Grant Duff's Marathas, 367.] In 1784 Sarbuland Jang an officer of the Nizam was appointed to chastise the unruly proprietors of Sholapur; [Eastwick's Kaisar-Nama-i-Hind, 90.] and in 1786, probably in reward for this service, the same officer, with the title of warden of Sholapur, received the command of 5000 and a curtained palanquin and jewels. [Eastwick's Kaisar-Nama-i-Hind, 97.]

Condition, 1792.

In 1792 the country south of Pandharpur was open, woody, and well watered. The soil though rich bore no grain crops. Pandharpur, which was in the territory belonging to Parshuram Bhau Patvardhan, contained many buildings, and had a market supplied not only with grain cloth and other local products, but with a variety of English articles, which filled a whole street of shops of Bombay and Poona traders. The road seventeen miles north-west to Malkhambi led through fair soil. Akluj on the south bank of the Nira was a large respectable town with a well supplied market and with several handsome buildings. [ Little's Detachment, 339 - 342.]

Battle of Kharda,1795.

In 1795 at Kharda fifty-five miles south-east of Ahmadnagar the Nizam suffered so heavy a defeat that he was forced to cede to the Marathas a large tract of country including his possessions in Sholapur. In 1803 (April), in accordance with the treaty of Bassein (31st December 1802) General Wellesley passed through Pandharpur and Akluj to Poona to reinstate Bajirav Peshwa who had been driven from Poona by Yashvantrav Holkar in October 1802. At Akluj, General Wellesley was joined by Colonel Stevenson the detachment under whose command was reinforced by the Scotch brigade. [Wellington's Despatches, III. 70-72.] In February 1804, on his return from Poona, General Wellesley dispersed a band of freebooters who had gathered in numbers about Akalkot. [Wellington's Despatches. III, 463, 465.]

Murder of Gangadhar Shastri, 1815.

In 1815, to settle some money disputes of long standing between the Peshwa and the Gaikwar of Baroda, the Gaikwar sent a Brahman named Gangadhar Shastri as his agent. Bajirav's love of intrigue and the influence which Trimbakji Denglia had over him made the Gaikwar so afraid of treachery, that, before sending Gangadhar Shastri to Poona, he obtained from the British Government a formal guarantee of Gangadhar's safety. Finding his efforts at Poona fruitless, Gangadhar Shastri determined to return to Baroda and leave the settlement to British arbitration. This disconcerted Bajirav's plans, whose real object was to arrange an union with the Gaikwar against the English, and he and Trimbakji Denglia after much persuasion induced Gangadhar Shastri to stay. In July (1815) Bajirav went to Pandharpur on a pilgrimage and took with him Trimbakji and Gangadhar Shastri. On the 14th of July Gangadhar Shastri dined with the Peshwa, and, in the evening, Trimbakji asked him to Vithoba's temple where the Peshwa was. Gangadhar who was unwell excused himself, but was pressed by Trimbakji and went to the temple with a few unarmed attendants. After a prayer to Vithoba he talked with Trimbakji and then went to pay his respects to the Peshwa who was seated in the upper veranda of the temple and treated him with marked attention. When the visit was over Gangadhar started for his lodging in high spirits. He had scarcely gone three hundred yards when he was attacked in the street by assassins hired by Trimbakji and was' almost cut to pieces. The murder of a Brahman in the holy city of Pandharpur and Trimbakji Denglia's share in the deed caused much excitement. The death of a man for whose security the British Government had pledged themselves, the proved guilt of Trimbakji, and the wavering and intriguing conduct of the Peshwa led to the outbreak of the war between the English and the Peshwa, the fate of which was decided by the British victory at the battle of Kirkee (5th November 1817).

After his defeat at Kirkee, Bajirav, accompanied by his chief commander Bapu Gokhale, fled from Poona through Satara to Pandharpur. He was pursued by General Smith who was accompanied by Mr. Elphinstone. The Peshwa fled from Pandharpur fifteen miles north to Karkam, but 5000 of Gokhale's horse threatened the rear and left of the British troops. On the march towards Pandharpur, the British troops went almost in square, the flanks well protected with cavalry and infantry and the auxiliaries in front and rear of the baggage. Except near Pandharpur, there were no signs of tillage.

Action near Pandharpur, 1817.

About Pandharpur the Peshwa's troops, 6000 or 7000 strong, came in sight on the rear and to the right of the rear. They were in three or four solid bodies which kept at a great distance, probably three miles, while many single horsemen advanced to within 250 or 300 yards of the British. These thickened about the rear, firing their matchlocks and occasionally rocketing, in spite of the riflemen who were unsuccessful. At length a ball wounded General Smith's orderly's horse, a rocket fell in the midst of the cavalry and wounded a man and a horse, and Captain Tovey descried three rocket camels within reach. It was resolved to charge them and General Smith dashed off with the three troops of cavalry and a gallopper or light horse artillery gun. Mr. Elphinstone joined the cavalry after they had come up with the camels. The cavalry was halted and immediately divided into two parties. The division on the left charged and that on the right with the gun came on at leisure as a reserve. Though the left division charged with great spirit, a body of the enemy formed up to it and showed a determined front. As they advanced to meet the left division the right division came on the right flank. At this moment General Smith injudiciously halted. The left division also halted and began to fire their pistols. This discouraged the men of the right division, for there was ground for alarm as the body in front of them stood firm and their balls whizzed round in great numbers and to the right the plain was covered with horsemen, numerous though not compact. Then the left division retired on the right by order, and came in haste and confusion, followed by the enemy, shouting, with their lances at rest. The right squadron was astonished, but not unsteady; and the men moved on and checked the enemy with their pistols. The left division also formed rapidly and pistoled. This checked the enemy, who stopped at a short distance and fired, while Captain Brace was sent to bring up the infantry. At this moment an injudicious word of command to retreat, unauthorized by General Smith, nearly lost all. As it was, the cavalry was brought back instead of the infantry being brought forward which was dangerous; but the fire of the infantry, though not more than twenty men and these unsteady, checked the Marathas. The British force remained unable to retreat waiting anxiously for the recovery of an overturned gun, when Captain Tovey appeared with a gun of the horse artillery, followed by two companies of the rear guard. The gun opened on the enemy close at hand, yet they did not show much panic. The infantry afterwards came up but did not fire. The British cavalry who were drawing off halted to pick up a dead trooper and again drew off without being insulted or molested. [Colebrooke's Elptinstone, II. 10-12.]

Battle of Ashta 1818.

The Peshwa continued his march northwards to Junnar in Poona, keeping the Raja of Satara and his mother and brothers in his camp. From Junnar he was again driven south to the Karnatak. On arriving on the banks of the Ghatprabha he found the country to the south already in the hands of Colonel Munro's troops. The rapid progress of Colonel Munro in the south and the advance of General Pritzler from the north-west compelled Bajirav to march north-east to Sholapur. After the reduction of Satara on the 10th of February General Smith, at the head of two regiments of cavalry, a squadron of the 22nd Dragoons, 1200 auxiliary horse and 2500 infantry marched in pursuit of Bajirav who was near Sholapur levying heavy contributions. General Smith followed by moderate marches in Order to gain on him with fresh troops. On the 19th of February he arrived at Velapur about twelve miles south-east of Malsiras and heard that the Peshwa was on the route from Sholapur towards Pandharpur. General Smith made a corresponding movement the same night, but on his way hearing that the enemy had suddenly turned on Karkam about fifteen miles north of Pandharpur, he changed his course, crossed the Bhima at Karauli, and heard that the Peshwa was camped at Ashta. Taking the cavalry and horse artillery, and desiring the rest to follow in all haste, he continued the march without break by Mendhapur and came in sight of the Marathas at eight on the morning of the 20th as they were moving off the ground. The enemy were not ignorant of the approach of the cavalry, and, though unable to avoid a conflict, they were not without time to prepare for it. The Peshwa, who did not consider himself safe in a palanquin, mounted a horse, and fled in haste with a sufficient guard, leaving Bapu Gokhale with eight to ten- thousand horse to cover his retreat, and, if possible, to save the baggage. Before leaving Ashta Bajirav taunted Gokhale for allowing the army to be surprised; Gokhale replied that he might rest assured his rear would be guarded. Probably thinking the entire Fourth Division with its baggage was advancing Gokhale further assured Bajirav that he would amuse General Smith who would, as usual, open his guns. When the British cavalry alone were discovered moving over the hill, Gokhale was forced to make other dispositions. [ Blacker's Maratha War, 249.] His friends advised him to retire for support and return better prepared to meet the British. He replied, Whatever is to be done must be done here. His force was divided into several bodies, which made a show of supporting each other. Between them and the British cavalry was a difficult streamlet which the attacking body must cross. Meanwhile General Smith's corps was advancing in regimental columns of threes at forming distance, the two squadrons of His Majesty's 22nd Dragoons in the centre, the 7th Madras Native Cavalry on the right, and the 2nd on the left. On the outer flanks, a little retired, were the Bombay Horse artillery and gallopper guns, the Horse artillery under Captain Pierce on the right, and the gallopper guns under Captain Frith on the left. Thus disposed they approached the Marathas, and were about to form when Gokhale, with a body of two thousand five hundred horse with several ensigns, advanced from opposite the left, cleared the streamlet, and, delivering a volley from matchlocks as they passed, charged obliquely across the front to the place where the 7th Cavalry were unprepared to receive them. About three troops were imperfectly formed. These with the rest of the regiment advanced through broken ground and ravines, as the enemy circled round their right flank, to which they couched their lances and gained the rear. This manceuvre threatened the right flank and rear of the 22nd Dragoons who were then engaged to the front. But Major Dawes, with the presence of mind of an old soldier, threw back the right troops and bringing forward the left, charged in turn. Gokhale was foremost to receive the attack, and met in conflict a young officer of the Dragoons, Lieutenant Warrand, who had the honour of receiving from him a wound on the shoulder.

Death of Gokhale.

Gokhale had many more antagonists and fell at the head of his corps with three pistol-shot wounds and two sabre-cuts covering his head with his shawl as he fell. [Blacker's Maratha War, 249-250.] He fought bravely to the last, dying, as he had promised, with his sword in his hand. His person was large, his features fine and manly, and his complexion nearly fair. He wore on the morning of the action a rich dress of gold kinkhab, with a pearl necklace, diamond earrings, and a turban ornament of immense value. [Fifteen Years in India (1822), 522.] General Smith was on the right as the enemy made their charge, and, before he could quit that position, received a sabre-cut on the back of his head. In the confused mixture of dragoons, native cavalry, and enemy's horse, the 2nd Cavalry formed on the left and threw out a squadron which checked some parties of the enemy who were still in the rear of the other regiments. The fall of their chief deprived the Marathas of hope, and they fled towards the left, in which direction their main body, who had never come into action, left the field pursued by the 2nd Cavalry. A squadron of this corps were met by a band of Marathas, which proved to be the Raja of Satara and his brother and mother all of whom voluntarily sought British protection. The remaining regiments, as soon as they recovered a little order, joined in the pursuit. In the hollow beyond the village of Ashta they found a body of horse which had never been engaged and still made a show of covering the retreat of the baggage. These fled on a nearer approach; and twelve elephants fifty-seven camels and many palanquins fell into the pursuers' hands. The enemy were followed about five miles and completely scattered. The horse artillery on the right had been ordered in the first instance not to fire as it would prevent the immediate charge of the cavalry; and the difficulties of the ground opposed their subsequent passage of the streamlet in time to be brought into action. The gallopper guns on the left found greater facility of crossing and opened with some effect. The enemy lost about two hundred killed, including some chiefs besides Gokhale, while the British loss amounted to no more than fourteen Europeans and five Native cavalry killed and wounded. The cavalry returned to the field of action, and encamped near Ashta where they were rejoined by the infantry and baggage from the rear. Thus closed this brilliant affair, which, with little loss, freed the Satara family, and completely ended the enterprise of the Peshwa's horse. [Grant Duff's Marathas, 661; Blocker's Maratha War, 248-253.]

Siege of Sholapur, 1818.

About three months after the battle of Ashta, during which the Peshwa's Satara strongholds were reduced, Sholapur was again the seat of severe fighting. After reducing the greater part of the Bombay Karnatak General Munro marched towards the Bhima between which and the Ghatprabha the Peshwa's choicest infantry and guns were camped. General Munro's army was not strong enough to enable him to push on the war. On the 19th of April he was joined at Nagar Manoli in North Belgaum by General Pritzler's division of the reserve force from Satara. This force consisted of two companies of artillery under Lieutenant-Colonel Dalrymple; the European flank battalion composed of the flower of four regiments, who, notwithstanding the difficulties of maintaining in a state of regularity a corps composed of various details, under Major Giles' command, had been as remarkable for their discipline and order as for their gallantry; the four companies of Rifles, the second battalion of the 22nd Native Infantry, the second battalion of the 7th Bombay Native Infantry, and a detachment of Pioneers. Two much-needed iron eighteen pounder guns, and two mortars were likewise brought from the Bombay battering train. With this force General Munro marched north, passed Gherdi about twelve miles south-east of Sangola, and arrived at Sidapur on the Bhima which was crossed on the 7th of May. The approach of Munro's force compelled the Peshwa's troops to fall back on Sholapur to make their final stand. On the 8th of May the British force crossed the Sina at Patri and on the 9th took up ground within two miles of the Maratha position, which General Munro immediately under a continual fire closely reconnoitred. A summons, with an offer of terms, had been sent forward by a native officer Chensing, subhedar of the 2nd battalion of the 4th Regiment. His singular intelligence and address had in many cases enabled Chensing to induce garrisons to come to terms. On this occasion, in spite of the holiness of his flag, Chensing was cruelly murdered by the Arabs under the walls of the fort. Nothing remained but to begin the siege.

The Sholapur fort is an oblong of large area, with a wall and faussebraye or rampart-mound of substantial masonry flanked by capacious round towers. A broad and deep wet ditch encircles the place, and the north and east sides are covered by a large town surrounded by a good wall and divided into two parts of which one is close to the fort. To the south, communicating with the ditch, a lake, surrounded on three sides by a mound, formed a respectable breastwork to the Maratha position under the walls. Their force thus strongly posted amounted to 2000 Arabs, 1500 Rohilas, 1000 Sidis, 700 Gosavis, 5000 infantry, and 1500 cavalry. Major DePinto, a country born European, commanded the regular infantry, and Ganpatrav Pense was the hereditary commandant of the Peshwa's artillery. [Blacker's Maratha War, 299. The details of the force vary: According to Blacker the enemy's force amounted to 850 horse, 5550 foot including 1200 Arabs, and fourteen guns independent of the garrison estimated at 1000. This is in Gleig's opinion (Life of Munro, L 494) an under-estimate and the strength in the text was obtained from official returns. According to General Munro's official report in the Bombay Courier dated the 25th of July 1818, the strength of the enemy amounted to 4500 infantry of whom 1200 were Arabs with thirteen guns and about 700 horse.] Nothing effective could be attempted against the fort while the covering army continued unbroken, and to hazard an attack on the army without gaining possession of the works on which it leaned was useless. General Munro accordingly turned his attention chiefly to the reduction of the town. Finding that the walls were not so high or the ditch so deep as to make it impracticable he resolved to try and take the town by escalade. At three on the morning of the 10th of May, the British troops chosen for the attack began to get under arms. The second battalion of the 12th Madras and the 2nd battalion of the 7th Bombay Native Infantry, except their flank companies, remained in charge of the camp under Lieutenant-Colonel Fraser. The remaining troops were formed in the following order. For the escalade of the town walls, under the general orders of Colonel Hewitt, two columns commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Newall and Major Giles, each composed of two European flank companies, two companies of rifles, one incomplete battalion of Native Infantry, and one company of Pioneers. For the support of the escalading force, a reserve, under the personal command of General Pritzler, consisted of a squadron and a half of dragoons with gallopper guns, two European flank companies, four native flank companies, four six-pounders, and two howitzers. The escalading columns took up positions 1000 yards from the point of attack till the day broke. At daybreak they moved briskly forward preceded by the Pioneers carrying scaling ladders, while the reserve, from a position opposite the same face, opened a smart fire on the front and flanking defences. The ladders were planted with promptitude; and the heads of both columns topped the walls at the same moment. As soon as a sufficient number of men were formed by each column, the towers to the right and left were taken, parties were sent to open the gate, and the whole force entered. The right column, under Lieutenant-Colonel Newall, followed the course of the wall by the right; and, having gained the wall which divides the town, occupied three large houses in the quarter close to the fort. Major Giles with the left column, which was accompanied by Colonel Hewitt, separated into two parts of which one kept along the wall on the left, and the other advanced up the central street to the opposite end after forcing the gate which divided the town. The outer gate was also forced and the columns, both parts of which here rejoined, passed through and, by detaching a company of European grenadiers, dislodged a party of the enemy posted in a neighbouring suburb. Meanwhile outside of the town Ganpatrav left his position near the fort, and, passing round by the eastern side, placed himself with seven guns and a respectable body of horse and foot opposite the reserve on which he immediately opened fire. General Munro, finding himself too weak in men to storm this position and with too few guns to silence the fire, withdrew the reserve under the wall of the town and sent to Colonel Hewitt for a reinforcement. Before the reinforcement came, one of the enemy's tumbrils blew up and the order was given to attack with the bayonet. General Pritzler headed the dragoons, and Colonel Dalrymple the infantry, joined by the artillerymen from the guns, while General Munro then fifty-seven years old directed the charge in person vociferously cheered by the Europeans, whose delight at the veteran's presence among them excused the noisy freedom of their greeting. Meanwhile the Marathas lost their commander, who was severely wounded, and their second in command who was killed by a cannon shot. They began to draw off their guns, but not in time to prevent three of them falling into the hands of the reserve, while their foot were driven into a garden and enclosures from which they were dislodged by Colonel Newall with a body of Europeans and rifles from the town. In retreating to their original position near the fort the Marathas passed the south gate of the town, from which Colonel Hewitt ran out a field piece and opening suddenly on them caused much annoyance. A gate leading into the inner town was taken by a company of the 69th Regiment and three companies of Native Infantry. But as the range of their position was found by one of the enemy's guns, the gate was abandoned and the troops confined to the main street and the avenues leading into it. The enemy kept possession of the parts of the town which their matchlocks could reach from the fort. The reserve returned to camp which had meanwhile been moved from the west to the north of the town. It was here joined by Duli Khan an officer in the Nizam's service with eight hundred irregulars of whom three hundred were horse. During the day the garrison made some faint attempts to extend their possession of the town. As these efforts proved unsuccessful, their friends outside seemed anxious to quit their position which the events of the morning had made unsafe. As soon as this movement was known in the camp, the detachment of dragoons and as many auxiliary horse, with the two gallopper guns, were ordered out under General Pritzler; and Duli Khan's horse was directed to follow with all speed. The Marathas had left their guns that their flight might not be checked and had fled seven miles before they were overtaken. The galloppers opened on their rear with grape, while a half-squadron took ground on each flank of the retreating column, which maintained an unsteady matchlock fire. When the half squadron came in contact with the enemy, the guns limbered up, and followed as a reserve with the remaining half squadron and Duli Khan's horse till these likewise and the auxiliary horse joined in the general destruction. Before night put an end to the pursuit on the banks of the Sina the force was completely dispersed. Nearly a thousand men were left dead on the field. Those who remained sought their homes in small parties of ten or fifteen, many of them wounded. The cavalry were back in their lines by ten at night.

After the attack on the town no time was lost in beginning operations against the fort. The southern face was chosen as the most favourable for an approach, as on that side there was considerable cover, and as the ditch there was partially dry. On the 11th a battery of one mortar, one howitzer, and two six-pounders, was. established behind the dam of the lake to keep the enemy within the walls, and to cover the working parties and advanced posts. This battery was enlarged on the same evening by three additional mortars which opened on the following morning with some effect. On the 13th an approach was made towards the fort, and, under cover of the fire, the beginning of a breaching battery was laid, from the mortars and six-pounders, the practice from which was so admirable as to silence the enemy at many points. An enfilading or raking battery was also marked out for two twelve-pounders and six-pounders and was half finished towards evening, while the garrison were busily employed in throwing up retrenchments. This as well the breaching battery was completed during the night; and both opened on the morning of the 14th with unremitting vigour. By noon the breach of the outer wall was reported practicable; and at the same time the enemy, viewing the rapid progress which had been made, sent to demand terms. They were promised security for themselves and their private property, and on these terms marched out on the following morning. The principal officers received passports to proceed to Poona and the troops dispersed to their homes. In the fort were thirty-seven one to forty-two pounders, including eleven field guns. There were also thirty-nine one to three-pounder wall-pieces. The reduction of this important fort deprived Bajirav's troops of their last rallying-point in the Bombay Karnatak; while the losses they had suffered during the operations completely disheartened all abettors of his cause. The loss of the British troops as of the enemy occurred almost entirely on the 10th and amounted to 102 men including four officers. [Blacker's Maratha War, 300 -304; Gleig's Life of Munro, I. 493 - 498. The following is the list of men killed and wounded at Sholapur between the 10th and the 15th of May 1818:

British Loss at Sholapur, 1818.

The officers wounded were Captain Middleton, H. M. 22nd Light Dragoons, Lieutenants Maxtone and Robertson 2nd Battalion 9th Regiment, and Lieutenant Wahab acting in the Engineer's Department. Blacker's Maratha War, 467.]

THE BRITISH.1818-1884

The fall of Sholapur brought the whole district under the British Government. Since 1818 the peace of the district has remained unbroken.